The most dangerous relationship
Developments
- What does China really want from the United States?
- No one yet dares challenge the British prime minister. … No one yet admits to stealing ships in the Strait of Hormuz. … & A satellite finds Stone Age graves hundreds of kilometers east of the Nile.
Features
- Why have the world’s shipping lanes become war zones? Arnaud Orain on the return of the armed merchant fleet.
Books
- What’s wrong with the United Kingdom’s economy? Jonathan Schneer’s Nine Days in May: The General Strike of 1926.
Music
- Who is the Tone Poet?
- A track from his reissue series by Chet Baker. & New tracks from World News, Slippers, Steve Gunn, and Father Dionysios Tabakis.
+ Weather report
- The hard passage facing the ships rerouting around southern Africa …
Developments
Honored guest
U.S. President Donald Trump landed in Beijing on Thursday, May 14—the first sitting American president to visit China in nearly a decade. Chinese President Xi Jinping met him with a welcome ceremony at the Great Hall of the People, a walk through the Temple of Heaven—the Ming-dynasty complex where emperors once prayed for the harvest—and two days of tours and meetings. Trump called the visit “incredible” and the trade deals “fantastic.”
It’s possible he was slightly overtaken by enthusiasm. Trump told Fox News that China would buy 200 Boeing aircraft; Boeing confirmed an “initial commitment,” with no plane types, no value, no contract. Beijing said nothing. China agreed to resume imports of American beef and signaled it would buy more soybeans. Trump had little to push with: the U.S. Supreme Court struck down his China tariffs in February, and the measures he has reached for since are capped and temporary.
On Iran, the two readouts—there was no joint statement—said both sides wanted the Strait of Hormuz, where the U.S. Navy is intercepting tankers bound for China, kept open, and that neither wanted Iran to have a nuclear weapon; that had been Beijing’s position for months. On Taiwan—that was one subject on which Xi allowed himself a plain demand: He told Trump—in language Chinese Communist Party officials printed in their own readout—that crossing Beijing on the Taiwan issue would put the U.S.-China relationship in “great jeopardy.” On everything else, both leaders stayed warm and kept the substance light.
So what did Xi want from all this?
- The thing he asked for. Xi made exactly one real ask all week, and he made it about Taiwan—first, before anything else, in the closed room, and then in the words Beijing chose to print in its own account of the meeting. Everywhere else, on trade, on Iran, on the things Trump had flown in to settle, he let the language stay loose. A leader who’s exact about a single thing, and vague about everything else, has probably gone some way toward telling you which thing he came for.
- The houseguest’s leverage. Trump came to talk trade, but he came without the tariffs that had given the 2025 escalation its force—gone since February, when the Court struck them down, and replaced since with measures that are capped and time-limited. Beijing would have understood the position clearly enough. Xi could receive his guest graciously and still give very little, and neither the welcome nor the reticence cost him anything, because the man across the table had arrived with not much left to press with.
- A framework, not a deal. Xi neither bought anything nor conceded anything. What he offered instead was a description—a “relationship of strategic stability,” which Beijing says should run three years and past Trump’s term. A deal would have settled something now; a framework, if it holds, shapes the years after. Which may be the closer measure of what Xi came for.
As Kyle Chan explored here in The Signal back in October, Beijing has come to see Washington as the single power that could obstruct China’s rise. That view, if it holds in Xi’s thinking, might put the events of the week in a different light. To a country that sees its chief rival that way, a summit arguably isn’t an occasion to bargain toward something better; it’s an occasion to manage against things getting worse. The pageantry, the unconfirmed Boeing numbers, the agreement to meet again in September—it all might look less like a summit that failed to produce deals and more like one that succeeded for Beijing in a vital way: Xi held the most dangerous relationship China has steady, keeping it cordial but no closer than necessary. While Trump flew home describing a friend, Xi will have returned to his leadership compound in Zhongnanhai having spent two days managing a risk. … See “What doesn’t kill them.”

Meanwhile
- The arithmetic of a challenge. Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer has more than 90 of his own members of parliament against him on the record, and he is still in his job. Six members of his cabinet have told him privately to name a date. The rebels have the numbers—a challenge needs 81 MPs, and they’re well past that—but they have no one to put up. Wes Streeting and Angela Rayner, the obvious challengers, have both stayed quiet: Whoever moves first owns the coup, and a failed challenge usually sees off the challenger too. … See “Party vs. leader.”
- Open water. Iranian officials spent the week asserting a principle and declining to act on it in daylight. The judiciary’s spokesman claimed a legal right to seize U.S.-linked tankers; the senior vice president called the strait Iran’s property; and through it all, someone torched or took the ships themselves, and no one’s owned up to it. Name the state that seized a ship, and the truce has a violation to point to. A ship that simply vanishes leaves nothing—which, five weeks into a ceasefire that forbids all of this, is plausibly the point. … See “‘Always … our property’.”
- Buried with the herd. Archaeologists have been surveying eastern Sudan’s Atbai Desert from orbit, the ground too dangerous to walk, with the country at war. They’ve now logged some 260 previously unrecorded stone burial monuments, circular enclosures up to 60 feet across, raised by cattle-herding nomads between 4500 and 2500 BC. The oldest of them predate the pyramids. Their builders share these graves with their cattle, from a time before the Sahara was desert. For six thousand years, the tombs sat untouched. Now a gold rush has reached the Atbai—informal, lawless, spreading fast across the same desert—and the machinery for it has already destroyed at least a dozen of them.

Dictatorships don’t collapse by accident. We dismantle them together.
Features
Imperial silos
Why have the world’s shipping lanes become war zones? Arnaud Orain on the return of the armed merchant fleet.